Honduran journalists killed with impunity, report says
The killings of seven journalists in Honduras so far this year have not been seriously investigated by authorities, creating an atmosphere lawlessness and impunity, concluded a report by the Committee to Protect Journalists released Tuesday.
All seven were shot, and there is evidence that at least three were killed because of their work as journalists, the New York-based organization said.
The Honduran government’s response has been an initial silence followed by a period in which a top official dismissed the killings as routine street crimes, CPJ said.
“As a result, many journalists fear the murders have been conducted with the tacit approval, or even outright complicity, of police, armed forces, or other authorities,” the report states.
The killings, which happened in various parts of the country, come at a time when Honduras is trying to mend the political and social fabric after last year’s coup that ousted President Jose Manuel Zelaya.
There were allegations that during the period of the de facto government of Roberto Micheletti, there was harrassment of media outlets opposed to the coup. In the unrest the followed the coup, the de facto government at one point passed an emergency decree that curtailed some civil rights and allowed the government to close down media outlets that threatened “peace and order.”
Current President Porfirio “Pepe” Lobo was elected in November and accepted by some governments, including the United States, but abroad and domestically, his government faces credibility issues.
In one of the killings, Nahuam Palacios, the main anchor for Channel 5 in the town of Tocoa, was gunned down at his house on March 14.
Palacios, like other journalists in Honduras, was not just a reporter but also an activist. According to CPJ, Palacios opposed the coup and turned his television station into an openly opposition channel. At one point, troops appeared at his house and detained him and his family for several hours. Because of the threats, Palacios’ name was on a list of more than 400 journalists and activists that the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights gave to the government, demanding extra protection for those on the list.
The government ignored most of the requests on the list, and Palacios was living with no additional protection when he was killed, according to the report.
Colleagues of another reporter, broadcast journalist David Meza in the city of La Ceiba, said he was killed because he criticized the police too strongly.
However, the journalistic ethics of both of these journalists are not the same as those in the United States. Colleagues for both admitted, according to the CPJ report, that there existed allegations that Meza and Palacios used their positions as high-profile reporters to extort businesses.
The bottom line, however, CPJ said, is that the crimes remain unsolved and journalists work in fear.
“The government’s ongoing failure to successfully investigate crimes against journalists and other social critics — whether by intention, impotence, or incompetence — has created a climate of pervasive impunity,” the report states.
The government of Honduras did not immediately comment on the contents of the report.
In June, however, the government did ask for the help of the U.S. FBI in solving the crimes.
CPJ cast doubt on the request for help, calling it “more symbolic than real.”
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Nike Gives Back to Displaced Honduran Workers
Nike has agreed to provide more than $1.5 million in pay and benefits to 1,800 workers at two apparel factories in Honduras. Employees there lost their jobs when two subcontractors closed the factories in January 2009 and failed to pay severance. The company’s action comes after several universities ended or threatened to end their licensing relationships with Nike, and as pressure was building from the nationwide group United Students Against Sweatshops.
According to The New York Times, a Nike spokeswoman says the $1.54 million is for “a worker relief fund” and not severance pay. Nike also agreed to provide vocational training and finance health coverage for laid-off workers.
“This may be a watershed moment,” Scott Nova, executive director of the Worker Rights Consortium, a group of 186 universities that monitors factories that make college-logo apparel, told The Times. “Up until now, major apparel brands have steadfastly refused to take any direct financial responsibility for the obligations to the workers in their contractors’ factories. Now the most high-profile sports apparel firm has done just that
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Independance Day Honduras
Honduras Independence Day
Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State
Washington, DC
September 14, 2009
——————————————————————————–
On behalf of the people of the United States, I send greetings to the people of Honduras as they commemorate 188 years of independence tomorrow. Honduras and the United States have a long history of close ties, based upon mutual interests, shared values, and friendship between our peoples. I had the privilege of visiting your wonderful country when I attended the General Assembly of the Organization of American States in San Pedro Sula, and I felt your warmth and hospitality. The turmoil and political differences that have since divided Honduras are a source of worry and sadness. I remain hopeful that the spirit of Francisco Morazán, a founder and visionary leader of Honduras, will help return your nation to a democratic path that will unite and inspire, rather than divide and discourage, and rebuild the ties of solidarity that have characterized your relationship with the Americas.
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The Honduran Impasse
THE AIM of U.S. policy in Honduras should be to reinforce the principles of democracy and the rule of law and to thwart those — including ousted president Manuel Zelaya and his mentor, Hugo Chávez — who are seeking to subvert them. At stake is not just the future of Honduras, a tiny Central American country, but the survival of threatened liberal institutions across Latin America.
It follows that the best solution to the crisis is that laid out in July by Costa Rican President Oscar Arias. Under its terms, Mr. Zelaya, who was arrested and deported by the military in June, would be allowed to return and resume his post — thus reversing the clear breach of democratic order that occurred. However, the president would have to form a unity government under international supervision, he would have to abandon his attempt to hold an illegal referendum on changing the Honduran constitution, and he would have to leave office when his term ends in January.
This outcome would be a victory for the Hondurans who supported Mr. Zelaya’s ouster because they feared he was attempting to mimic Mr. Chávez’s dismantling of Venezuela’s democracy. Mr. Chávez would lose his Honduran puppet by means he could not contest: A new president would be chosen in an internationally monitored election this fall.
By refusing to accept the Arias plan, Honduras’s de facto government — and its supporters in Washington — are playing into the hands of the Latin American left. The Tegucigalpa administration of Roberto Micheletti is trying to resist pressure to allow Mr. Zelaya’s return until the election is held and Mr. Zelaya’s term expires. That would serve to undermine the legitimacy of any new president and prolong the crisis indefinitely. That’s why the Obama administration was right to formalize a suspension of $31 million in aid this week and to join other Latin American governments in saying that “at this moment” it “would not be able to support the outcome of the elections.”
The administration’s action was not without risk. If the Micheletti regime digs in its heels, the result could be the very destabilization that the United States and its moderate allies hope to avoid. But the Obama administration won’t have much chance of rallying Latin American governments against the anti-democratic abuses of Mr. Chávez or Nicaragua’s Daniel Ortega if it is not willing to use its leverage in Honduras, a country whose economy would collapse without aid, free trade and worker remittances from the United States.
In fact, it seems probable that Mr. Micheletti’s government would have yielded by now if not for the encouragement of Republicans in Congress. Sen. Jim DeMint (R-S.C.) seems to think the best way to help Honduras is to block the confirmation of crucial administration diplomatic appointments in Latin America, including Arturo Valenzuela, a highly respected scholar and diplomat who should be helping to untangle this mess as assistant secretary of state for Western Hemisphere affairs. Once again, the only beneficiary of such obstructionism will be Mr. Chávez.
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Obama vs. Honduran Democracy
usually i am skeptical of some things that are written in the WSJ but this article struck a cord with me see if you can spot it..
Original Article HERE
If the Obama administration were a flotilla of ships, it might be sending out an SOS right about now. ObamaCare has hit the political equivalent of an iceberg. And last week the president’s international prestige was broadsided by the Scots, who set free the Lockerbie bomber without the least consideration of American concerns. Mr. Obama’s campaign promise of restoring common sense to budget management is sleeping with the fishes.
This administration needs a win. Or more accurately, it can’t bear another loss right now. Most especially it can’t afford to be defeated by the government of a puny Central American country that doesn’t seem to know its place in the world and dares to defy the imperial orders of Uncle Sam.
I’m referring, of course, to Honduras, which despite two months of intense pressure from Washington is still refusing to reinstate Manuel Zelaya, its deposed president. Last week the administration took off the gloves and sent a message that it would use everything it has to break the neck of the Honduran democracy. Its bullying might work. But it will never be able to brag about what it has done.
The most recent example of the Obama-style Good Neighbor Policy was the announcement last week that visa services for Hondurans are suspended indefinitely, and that some $135 million in bilateral aid might be cut. But these are only the public examples of its hardball tactics. Much nastier stuff is going on behind the scenes, practiced by a presidency that once promised the American people greater transparency and a less interventionist foreign policy.
To recap, the Honduran military in June executed a Supreme Court arrest warrant against Mr. Zelaya for trying to hold a referendum on whether he should be able to run for a second term. Article 239 of the Honduran constitution states that any president who tries for a second term automatically loses the privilege of his office. By insisting that Mr. Zelaya be returned to power, the U.S. is trying to force Honduras to violate its own constitution.
It is also asking Hondurans to risk the fate of Venezuela. They know how Venezuela’s Hugo Chávez went from being democratically elected the first time, in 1998, to making himself dictator for life. He did it by destroying his country’s institutional checks and balances. When Mr. Zelaya moved to do the same in Honduras, the nation cut him off at the pass.
For Mr. Chávez, Mr. Zelaya’s return to power is crucial. The Venezuelan is actively spreading his Marxist gospel around the region and Mr. Zelaya was his man in Tegucigalpa.
The Honduran push-back is a major setback for Caracas. That’s why Mr. Chávez has mobilized the Latin left to demand Mr. Zelaya’s return. Last week, Dominican Republic President Leonel Fernández joined the fray, calling for Honduras to be kicked out of the Central American Free Trade Agreement (Cafta). Mr. Fernandez is a close friend of Mr. Chávez and a beneficiary of Venezuela’s oil-for-obedience program in the Caribbean.
Mr. Obama apparently wants in on this leftie-fest. He ran for president, in essence, against George W. Bush. Mr. Bush was unpopular in socialist circles. This administration wants to show that it can be cool with Mr. Chávez and friends.
Mr. Obama’s methods are decidedly uncool. Prominent Hondurans, including leading members of the business community, complain that a State Department official has been pressuring them to push the interim government to accept the return of Mr. Zelaya to power.
When I asked the State Department whether it was employing such dirty tricks a spokeswoman would only say the U.S. has been “encouraging all members of civil society to support the San Jose ‘accord’”—which calls for Mr. Zelaya to be restored to power. Perhaps something was lost in the translation but threats to use U.S. power against a small, poor nation hardly qualify as encouragement.
Elsewhere in the region there are reports that U.S. officials have been calling Latin governments to demand that they support the U.S. position. When I asked State whether that was true, a spokeswoman would not answer the question. She would only say that the U.S. is “cooperating with the [Organization of American States] and [Costa Rican President] Oscar Arias to support the San José accord.”
In other words, though it won’t admit to coercion, it is fully engaged in arm-twisting at the OAS in order to advance its agenda.
This not only seems unfair to the Honduran democracy but it also seems to contradict an earlier U.S. position. In a letter to Sen. Richard Lugar on Aug. 4, the State Department claimed that its “strategy for engagement is not based on any particular politician or individual” but rather finding “a “resolution that best serves the Honduran people and their democratic aspirations.”
A lot of Hondurans believe that the U.S. isn’t using its brass knuckles to serve
If the Obama administration were a flotilla of ships, it might be sending out an SOS right about now. ObamaCare has hit the political equivalent of an iceberg. And last week the president’s international prestige was broadsided by the Scots, who set free the Lockerbie bomber without the least consideration of American concerns. Mr. Obama’s campaign promise of restoring common sense to budget management is sleeping with the fishes.
This administration needs a win. Or more accurately, it can’t bear another loss right now. Most especially it can’t afford to be defeated by the government of a puny Central American country that doesn’t seem to know its place in the world and dares to defy the imperial orders of Uncle Sam.
‘m referring, of course, to Honduras, which despite two months of intense pressure from Washington is still refusing to reinstate Manuel Zelaya, its deposed president. Last week the administration took off the gloves and sent a message that it would use everything it has to break the neck of the Honduran democracy. Its bullying might work. But it will never be able to brag about what it has done.
The most recent example of the Obama-style Good Neighbor Policy was the announcement last week that visa services for Hondurans are suspended indefinitely, and that some $135 million in bilateral aid might be cut. But these are only the public examples of its hardball tactics. Much nastier stuff is going on behind the scenes, practiced by a presidency that once promised the American people greater transparency and a less interventionist foreign policy.
To recap, the Honduran military in June executed a Supreme Court arrest warrant against Mr. Zelaya for trying to hold a referendum on whether he should be able to run for a second term. Article 239 of the Honduran constitution states that any president who tries for a second term automatically loses the privilege of his office. By insisting that Mr. Zelaya be returned to power, the U.S. is trying to force Honduras to violate its own constitution.
It is also asking Hondurans to risk the fate of Venezuela. They know how Venezuela’s Hugo Chávez went from being democratically elected the first time, in 1998, to making himself dictator for life. He did it by destroying his country’s institutional checks and balances. When Mr. Zelaya moved to do the same in Honduras, the nation cut him off at the pass.
For Mr. Chávez, Mr. Zelaya’s return to power is crucial. The Venezuelan is actively spreading his Marxist gospel around the region and Mr. Zelaya was his man in Tegucigalpa.
The Honduran push-back is a major setback for Caracas. That’s why Mr. Chávez has mobilized the Latin left to demand Mr. Zelaya’s return. Last week, Dominican Republic President Leonel Fernández joined the fray, calling for Honduras to be kicked out of the Central American Free Trade Agreement (Cafta). Mr. Fernandez is a close friend of Mr. Chávez and a beneficiary of Venezuela’s oil-for-obedience program in the Caribbean.
Mr. Obama apparently wants in on this leftie-fest. He ran for president, in essence, against George W. Bush. Mr. Bush was unpopular in socialist circles. This administration wants to show that it can be cool with Mr. Chávez and friends.
Mr. Obama’s methods are decidedly uncool. Prominent Hondurans, including leading members of the business community, complain that a State Department official has been pressuring them to push the interim government to accept the return of Mr. Zelaya to power.
When I asked the State Department whether it was employing such dirty tricks a spokeswoman would only say the U.S. has been “encouraging all members of civil society to support the San Jose ‘accord’”—which calls for Mr. Zelaya to be restored to power. Perhaps something was lost in the translation but threats to use U.S. power against a small, poor nation hardly qualify as encouragement.
Elsewhere in the region there are reports that U.S. officials have been calling Latin governments to demand that they support the U.S. position. When I asked State whether that was true, a spokeswoman would not answer the question. She would only say that the U.S. is “cooperating with the [Organization of American States] and [Costa Rican President] Oscar Arias to support the San José accord.”
In other words, though it won’t admit to coercion, it is fully engaged in arm-twisting at the OAS in order to advance its agenda.
This not only seems unfair to the Honduran democracy but it also seems to contradict an earlier U.S. position. In a letter to Sen. Richard Lugar on Aug. 4, the State Department claimed that its “strategy for engagement is not based on any particular politician or individual” but rather finding “a “resolution that best serves the Honduran people and their democratic aspirations.”
A lot of Hondurans believe that the U.S. isn’t using its brass knuckles to serve
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