U.S. limits visas in Honduras

The United States said on Tuesday it would temporarily restrict the issuing of U.S. visas in Honduras, raising pressure on the government that took power after a June 28 coup to step down.

The State Department, which has repeatedly condemned the military coup that ousted President Manuel Zelaya, said that from Wednesday it would only provide visa services to potential immigrants and emergency cases at its embassy in Tegucigalpa.

The Obama administration has urged Honduran authorities to accept proposals put forward by Costa Rican President Oscar Arias, whose efforts to end the crisis have stalled over the de facto government’s refusal to allow Zelaya to return to power.

The San Jose accord proposed last month by the Nobel Peace Prize winner would have allowed Zelaya to return to office until elections are held by the end of November.

U.S. State Department spokesman Ian Kelly said the visa decision was intended to reinforce an Organization of American States’ delegation that landed in Honduras on Monday to try to persuade the de facto government to accept the Arias’ plan.

“In support of this mission and as a consequence of the de facto regime’s reluctance to sign the San Jose accord, the U.S. Department of State is conducting a full review of our visa policy in Honduras,” Kelly said in a written statement.

“As part of that review, we are suspending non-emergency, non-immigrant visa services in the consular section of our embassy in Honduras, effective August 26,” Kelly added. “We firmly believe a negotiated solution is the appropriate way forward and the San Jose Accord is the best solution.”

A U.S. official who spoke on condition of anonymity told reporters the visa decision was “a signal of how seriously we are watching the situation” and said Washington was considering other steps though it was premature to disclose these.

The OAS later conceded that the delegation visiting Honduras had not been successful.

“The Mission regrets that it was not possible on this occasion to obtain the backing of the San Jose Accord,” the OAS said in a statement reiterating its call for Honduran authorities to accept the proposal before the country’s presidential campaign opens next week.

RESISTING PRESSURE

The de facto government, which has resisted pressure from Western hemisphere governments and international bodies to reinstate Zelaya, vowed on Tuesday to stick to a plan to hold a presidential election in November, even if other countries don’t recognize the result.

“There will be elections whether they are recognized or not,” the country’s caretaker leader Roberto Micheletti told foreign ministers from the region on a visit with Organization of American States chief Jose Miguel Insulza.

They included ministers from Argentina, Canada, Costa Rica, Jamaica, Mexico, Panama and the Dominican Republic.

Micheletti said his country could survive any economic sanctions imposed over his refusal to allow Zelaya’s return.

“We are not afraid of anyone’s embargo,” Micheletti told the ministers. “This country can get by without your support.”

The Honduran crisis has divided Washington. Earlier this month, 16 Democratic Congressmen wrote to Obama urging him to freeze the assets of coup leaders. But a group of Republican senators has sought to hold up confirmation of State Department appointments due to the administration’s support for Zelaya, an ally of Venezuela’s leftist president Hugo Chavez.

Advocacy group Human Rights Watch on Tuesday urged the international community, and the United States in particular, to ratchet up pressure on the de facto government in light of a report documenting abuses against Zelaya’s supporters.

The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights said on Friday that four people had been shot dead in protests since the June 28 coup. It also criticized more than 3,500 arbitrary arrests aimed at silencing protests.

The United States, a long-time ally of Honduras and the country’s top trading partner, has suspended some military aid, but the Obama administration has resisted imposing more far-reaching sanctions, citing the detrimental impact they could have on the country’s struggling economy.

“The U.S. government, in particular, could play a key role through the use of carefully targeted sanctions,” said HRW director for the Americas, Jose Miguel Vivanco.

Vivanco said the Obama administration should directly target members of the de facto government by denying them access to the U.S. banking system and targeting private companies associated with these officials.

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Honduras and Washington: Semantics and Contradictions

On Tuesday, July 28 the United States government announced that it had revoked the visas of four leading members of the Honduran coup. More than a month after the Honduran military awoke President Manuel Zelaya at gunpoint and sent him packing to Costa Rica, it appears that Washington is finally beginning to put its foot down- a little. But the U.S. still has a way to go, and so does Honduras.

The U.S. State Department had responded quickly with harsh statements against the June 28 Honduran coup, but over most of the last month, the U.S. government carried out few active measures to pressure the coup plotters to step down. US-backed negotiations were criticized for helping to legitimize the coup d’etat. U.S. Secretary of State Hilary Clinton had appeared to condemn President Zelaya more than the de facto Roberto Micheletti regime.

Last week Clinton called Zelaya’s decision to attempt to return to his country from the Nicaraguan-Honduran border, “reckless”. “We have consistently urged all parties to avoid any provocative action that could lead to violence,” she said. A group of organizations and academics focusing on Latin America quickly responded.

“Given that neither Clinton nor President Obama, nor any U.S. official, has even once criticized the Honduran dictatorship for the violence and political repression of the last four weeks, Clinton’s pointing the finger at Zelaya is especially threatening to the human rights of Hondurans,” they said in a press release.

The group pointed to the “shootings, beatings, arrests and detentions of journalists, closing of radio and TV stations, and other repression” which has been documented by a half-dozen international human rights organizations including Human Rights Watch and Reporters Without Borders. In mid July, the Committee of Family Members of Detained and Disappeared in Honduras (COFADEH) published a report detailing over a thousand human rights abuses committed by the coup regime.

According to NYU Latin American historian, Greg Grandin—who was in Honduras last week—the assassination death toll is at least up to nine. While thousands of Hondurans remain in the streets in support of Zelaya, hundreds have been detained. Among them are members of the National Front Against the Coup (Frente Nacional Contra el Golpe), including Berta Caceres and Salvador Zuniga (leaders of COPINH – Counsel of Indigenous and Popular Organizations), and the indigenous-garifuna leader Miriam Miranda, who is also a member of OFRANEH (Fraternal Organization of Black and Garifuna Peoples).

On July 23rd, an international commission of human rights organizations concluded that “grave and systematic violations of human rights” had taken place in Honduras since the military coup. The preliminary commission report also documented “systemic and generalized political persecution” against unionists, peasant, activists, and students.

But Washington had been silent.

Not one country in the world—including the United States—has recognized the de facto Honduran government of Roberto Micheletti that swore itself in the same day it threw Zelaya out of the country last month. But the United States has dragged its feet behind Latin America and Europe and refused to pull its ambassador and cut off all aid to Honduras.

The U.S. also has yet to officially classify the Honduran coup as a “coup d’etat” which, by U.S. law, would forbid any U.S. aid to the de facto government. $16.5 million in aid for military assistance programs has already been suspended, but $180 million dollars in U.S. aid is still flowing- although the State department says it is under evaluation.

The LA Times and solidarity activists had asked the U.S. government to cut the visas and freeze the bank accounts of those involved in the coup. But for weeks the request had fallen on deaf ears. Zelaya told reporters over last weekend that he believed Secretary of State Clinton was “not acting firmly against the repression that Honduras is suffering.”

Representatives from the Micheletti government had been free to visit the United States and General Romeo Vasquez Velasquez—head of the Honduran Armed Forces—had planned to speak in Miami last weekend. Clinton spoke briefly with Micheletti over the phone last week and communication has been open between the Micheletti government and the U.S. embassy in Honduras.

The White House says these conversations have been aimed at pressuring the Micheletti government to negotiate. According to a July 21 L.A. Times article, the U.S. has been putting the pressure on. Clinton said that she was “tough” in her call to Micheletti and U.S. personnel in Honduras have been threatening consequences if Zelaya is not returned to power.

Finally, on Tuesday, July 28, the United States announced that it had cut the visas of four Hondurans working with the Micheletti regime, and that others are being evaluated. But the visa cuts were Washington’s only concrete active measures against the de facto government since it cut off the $16.5 million in military aid on Wednesday, July 8th.

Perhaps understandably. The coup plotters have some powerful friends in Washington. According to the New York Times from Sunday, July 12, “Mr. Micheletti has embarked on a public relations offensive, with his supporters hiring high-profile lawyers with strong Washington connections” to lobby against sanctions. Among them is Clinton-adviser, Bennett Ratcliff, and Lanny J. Davis, who was a personal lawyer for President Clinton and who campaigned for Hilary Clinton. On Friday, July 10, Davis testified on Capitol Hill in support of the Micheletti de facto government.

While the perpetrators of the biggest threat to regional democracy in years were allowed to keep their US visas, bank accounts and even lobby on behalf of a former Clinton lawyer in Washington, the democratically elected leader of Honduras was warned that he should be patient, and that his actions could lead to violence.

Why such leniency towards the de facto coup plotters? Would the Taliban be allowed to hire a Clinton Lobbyist? Would Guantanamo detainees be permitted to lobby in Washington? Would suspected terrorists be allowed the freedom that Washington had allotted Micheletti and his cohorts?

Of course Davis is not paid directly by the Micheletti government. He’s working for the Honduran chapter of the Latin American Chamber of Commerce (CEAL).

“My main contacts are Camilo Atala and Jorge Canahuati. I’m proud to represent businessmen who are committed to the rule of law,” Davis told Roberto Lovato of the American Prospect a week ago. Both Atala and Canahuati represent vested business interests in Honduras.

Atala is CEO of Banco Ficohsa, “the third-largest bank in terms of loan portfolio and deposits” in Honduras. Canahuati is the majority owner of two of Honduras’ largest newspapers, La Prensa and El Heraldo, both of which have supported the coup. He also happens to be on the Executive Committee of the Inter-American Press Association (IAPA), and head of the IAPA’s International Affairs Committee. The IAPA is an organization of newspaper tycoons, owners, publishers and editors, who among other things immediately recognized both the 2002 Venezuelan coup and the Honduran coup.

On April 12, 2002—the day after the assassination of twenty innocent Venezuelans, which precipitated Chavez’s brief removal from office—the IAPA sent out a press release stating the following:

“Inter American Press Association President Robert J. Cox said today that political developments in Venezuela demonstrate to nations throughout the world that there can be no true democracy without free speech and press freedom… “This is a classic example for the new government headed by Pedro Carmona, which hopefully will turn things around, respect freedom of the press and encourage the independence of the judiciary, and thus, ensure restoration of true democracy,” Cox added.”

As these words were being released to the press, community media in Venezuela was being sacked, the state-owned Venezolana de Televisión was occupied, and the private media (Venevision, Globovision, Telemundo, & RCTV) which had led the coup, were complacently refusing to report the news on the ground.

The IAPA’s response was only slightly better in the days following the Honduran coup. The organization criticized the censorship and loss of press freedoms, and cited “complaints from news media and journalists that they are still restricted, intimidated and attacked while they attempt to report.” The organization did not, however, blame the de facto Micheletti government for perpetrating these acts, and when it did point the finger, it was at a “mob” and a “People’s Commando.”

Despite their discourse in the name of “free press”, members of the organization have a long history of supporting Latin American dictatorships and U.S. interventions.

Interestingly on the IAPA staff is also IAPA secretary Elizabeth Ballantine, who has been director of the McClatchy Company since March 1998. McClatchy is the third-largest newspaper company in the United States, owning 30 papers in 29 markets, including the Miami Herald and El Nuevo Herald in Florida. The Washington Post is also represented. Diana Daniels was Vice President of the Washington Post Company from 1988-2006, during which time she also served a few years as IAPA President. Deputy Managing Editor of the paper, Milton Coleman, is currently serving as IAPA Treasurer.

Along with many U.S. papers, The Washington Post has painted Zelaya as a Hugo Chavez-backed caudillo, attempting to overtake the powers of the Honduran government. The Post quickly echoed the talking points of the coup plotters that Zelaya was ripped from office because he was attempting an unconstitutional referendum to extend his term in office. The reality could not be further from the truth, as the Honduran President was actually planning a non-binding referendum to ask the Honduran people if “during the general elections of November 2009 there should be a fourth ballot to decide whether to hold a Constituent National Assembly that will approve a new political constitution?”

The excuse for Zelaya’s removal is a matter of semantics that is rooted in presumptions.

In a Wall Street Journal op-ed on Monday, Micheletti stated, “The Supreme Court, by a 15-0 vote, found that Mr. Zelaya had acted illegally by proceeding with an unconstitutional “referendum,” and it ordered the Armed Forces to arrest him.”

According to a legal memorandum prepared by Micheletti supporters on June 29th and available on the website of the conservative Virginia-based think tank, Americans for Limited Government, the Supreme Court had found the referendum “illegal”, because article 374 of the Honduran Constitution explicitly states that certain Constitutional articles cannot be reformed; such as those that “refer to the type of government, the national territory, the presidential term and the prohibition of serving again as President of the Republic.” The Supreme Court thus inferred that since a Constituent Assembly may attempt to reform these articles, then it was unconstitutional. Therefore, they said, a referendum on the possibility of holding a Constituent Assembly was also unconstitutional.

This, of course, did not have to be the case. A reform of the Constitution could have taken place without affecting those articles. The United States knows it. According to an AP report on Tuesday, one of the four diplomatic visas revoked this week belonged to the “Supreme Court magistrate who ordered the arrest of ousted President Manuel Zelaya and the president of Honduras’ Congress.”

It is also important to remember that while the United States has had its Constitution for more than two centuries, most Latin American countries are used to rewriting theirs often. Venezuela, for instance, has had more than two-dozen Constitutions since its independence from Spain in 1811. The 1982 Honduran Constitution was the Central American country’s 14th such founding document. I am no constitutional lawyer, but it seems clear that while any “reform” to the 1982 Honduran Constitution would have to abide by such articles, a new Constitution—drafted by a Constituent Assembly and voted on by the majority of the Honduran people—would not. There are no articles in the 1982 Honduran Constitution that refer to proposed Constituent Assemblies and what they can or cannot do.

The position of de facto Micheletti regime is even more ironic when we remember the fact that in October 1985, Micheletti himself had been one of a dozen Honduran Congressional Representatives to back a piece of legislation calling for a Constituent Assembly in order to extend the term of then-Honduran President, Roberto Suazo Córdoba. According to a July 9th article in the Salvadoran El Faro, the representatives were looking to suspend certain articles of the Honduran Constitution. “The same [articles] that now serve the Honduran authorities to justify Zelaya’s dismissal.”

In short, the ousting of Zelaya was based on contradictions and semantics; loopholes and inferences. And until now, this is largely how Washington has also responded. The U.S. government says it doesn’t recognize the de facto regime, and that the coup “should be condemned by all”, but it won’t officially recognize it as a “coup d’etat”.

Ten years ago, President Bill Clinton would only meet informally for 15 minutes with the recently-elected Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, but Secretary of State Hilary Clinton officially met with representatives of the Micheletti government, and afterwards, on July 7, the coup leaders were allowed to hold a press conference at the Washington Press Club.

The Florida Republican Congressman Connie Mack—who met with representatives of the Micheletti government in Honduras over the weekend—said Honduras is “the epicenter for the struggle for freedom and democracy in Latin America.” He then criticized the revoking of diplomatic visas and demanded the de facto Micheletti government be recognized.

Negotiations have helped to legitimize the Micheletti regime, while Zelaya is blamed for the violence.

Meanwhile, the de facto Micheletti government has continued its PR drive for recognition. Members of the de facto government met with Colombian officials. Colombian president, Alvaro Uribe has nodded in support of Micheletti, although, like the United States, hasn’t officially recognized.

On the bright side, Nike, Adidas, Gap and Knights Apparel, who all manufacture clothes in Honduran factories, wrote to Clinton to call for the “restoration of democracy in Honduras.” The Honduran military has now thrown its support behind a possible negotiated solution in which Zelaya would return, albeit with limited powers. Bloomberg reported on Wednesday evening that Micheletti may also be willing to back the San Jose accords, which would allow for Zelaya’s return.

These pronouncements could help to speed along a timely settlement. But the roots beneath the problem remain to be resolved. As COFADEH director, Bertha Oliva, told a delegation of U.S. activists to Honduras the week after the coup, “This is a coup not only to Honduras, but to all of Latin America.” It was a coup against Latin America’s leftward shift; against the possibility of a Constituent Assembly that might redistribute the scant resources in this tiny country of eight million people, where more than half the population is under the poverty line.

As Zelaya patiently holds out on the Nicaraguan-Honduran border, the Honduran and international media try to toss the blame on Hugo Chavez. Honduran business elites quickly scapegoat the crisis on Venezuelan meddling.

To further diffuse attention, enter Colombia, stage-right. Last week, Colombia confirmed reports that it had agreed to house five new U.S. military bases; a hard hit to Venezuela, who is under increasing threats of state secession and paramilitary infiltration. To top it off this Monday with perhaps another smokescreen, the Colombian government accused Venezuela of selling arms to the guerrilla Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). Chavez quickly refuted the claims, called Colombia’s leaders “irresponsible,” and then pulled Venezuela’s ambassador.

Regional tensions could quickly escalate, which is perhaps exactly what Washington has on the agenda. After all, more often than not the excuse is a matter of semantics, accusations and presumptions- regardless of the facts or the contradictions.

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Honduran police clash again with Zelaya supporters

Supporters of ousted Honduran President Manuel Zelaya clashed with soldiers and police for a second day on Wednesday as street protests over the June 28 army coup turned rowdy.

Security forces fired tear gas to disperse a crowd of thousands of demonstrators in the capital Tegucigalpa and protesters responded by throwing stones in a scuffle near Congress. The demonstration calmed down by the afternoon.

Zelaya’s wife attended another pro-Zelaya protest on Wednesday in the industrial city of San Pedro Sula near the country’s Caribbean coast, which was also broken up by police firing tear gas canisters .

Zelaya’s overthrow, after opponents accused him of trying to change the constitution to allow presidential re-election, has thrust Honduras into the worst political crisis Central America has seen in years.

Talks to resolve the standoff, mediated by Costa Rican President Oscar Arias, have so far made little progress as a de facto government headed by former Congress head Roberto Micheletti refuses to let Zelaya return to power, despite widespread international condemnation of the coup.

Protests on Tuesday and Wednesday by pro-Zelaya activists left broken windows at shops and fast-food restaurants and sent demonstrators fleeing clouds of tear gas. It was one of the few times the near-daily rallies have turned violent since the coup.

Micheletti, in a message broadcast on national television, claimed the clashes were being spurred by “foreign agitators” and promised to respect the rights of those detained at the protests.

“We have to stop with firmness any criminal acts to avoid property damage to small and medium-sized businesses, which is putting many Hondurans out of work,” Micheletti said.

The June 28 coup was bloodless and since then only two protesters have been killed in demonstrations. One was shot by soldiers at the airport when Zelaya tried to return in a plane and was blocked by the army. The other was shot in the head in a later protest.

Zelaya, an ally of socialist Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, has been touring the Americas in exile as most of the world pushes for his return and supporters hold continual street rallies. Thousands have also turned out to support Micheletti’s de facto government.

President Barack Obama said this week the United States strongly condemned the coup but it was hypocritical for critics to demand a more forceful U.S. role in bringing Zelaya back.

The interim leaders have said they are ready to hold on to power until regularly scheduled elections in November, even though the head of the Organization of American States has said the regional body will not recognize the result

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Honduran Coup Government Continues Attack on the Poor with Plan to Seize Indigenous Hospital

Dr. Luther Castillo, who was named “Honduran Doctor of the Year” in 2007 by Rotary International, has just sent out an alert through the non-profit group MEDICC, that he and his staff at the Indigenous Garifuna Community Hospital have received an order from the de facto Honduran government to leave the Hospital and discontinue their work there. The government has announced that it is downgrading the standing of the hospital and will be taking over with “new management.” 

 In the meantime, the de facto government has stopped paying the salary of the staff — which includes locally-trained nurses and 10 physicians — and will no longer guarantee medicines or vital supplies. In spite of this, the Hospital staff have vowed to stay and continue their work, serving the poor in the Garifuna indigenous region of Ionia and surrounding area.

As Dr. Luther Castillo explained to MEDICC, “We will not abandon our people. These are the poorest of the poor, the invisible poor. They are the real victims of the coup.” The coup government has made Dr. Castillo’s ability to continue his work on behalf of the poor particularly difficult, putting out a warrant for his arrest and capture right after the coup. Yet, Dr. Castillo perseveres. This act on the part of the Honduran de facto government shows its true intentions in carrying out the coup against President Zelaya — to roll back the modest social reforms Zelaya put in place to alleviate the suffering of the poor in that country. As MEDICC explains, the Garifuna Community Hospital opened in December of 2007 under an agreement with the government of President Zelaya and in accordance with an International

Labor Organization covenant that supports locally-managed health services for indigenous and tribal peoples. According to Dr. Castillo, the hospital has treated 175,000 cases since that time, providing such services as birthing, surgeries, hospitalization, dental care, laboratory tests and other outreach and prevention services.

Now, the de facto Honduran government is threatening the lives of the poor in the Ionia coastal department and surrounding area by its move to oust the staff of this hospital. While the coup government has claimed that it is protecting the Honduran constitution, this claim has never held weight. As Conn Hallinan explains succinctly in a recent article in Foreign Policy in Focus: That story is a massive distortion of the facts. All Zelaya was trying to do is to put a non-binding referendum on the ballot calling for a constitutional convention, a move that trade unions, indigenous groups, and social activist organizations had long been lobbying for. The current constitution was written by the Honduran military in 1982, and the one-term limit allows the brass-hats to dominate the politics of the country.

 Since the convention would have been held in November, the same month as the upcoming presidential elections, there was no way Zelaya could have remained in office in any case. The most he could have done was to run four years from now. Hallinan goes on to explain that Zelaya is “at best a liberal reformer whose major accomplishment was raising the minimum wage [by 60%]. “What Zelaya has done has been little reforms,” Rafael Alegria, a leader of Via Campesina, told the Mexican daily La Jornada. “He isn’t a socialist or a revolutionary, but these reforms, which didn’t harm the oligarchy at all, have been enough for them to attack him furiously.” Or, as an AP article from August 6, entitled, “Honduran Coup Shows Business Elite Still in Charge,” put it well: “Honduran President Manuel Zelaya was ousted in a military coup after betraying his own kind: a small clique of families that dominates the economy.” Now, the coup government is attempting to roll back Zelaya’s modest reforms, threatening the lives of the poor living on the margins in the process. As Dr. Castillo explains, the current actions of the coup government with respect to the Gardifuna Community Hospital threaten to “condemn to death many of our old people, and stop all outreach and prevention services.”

In the end, condemning the poor and the vulnerable to further marginalization, and even death, is part of the plan of the current regime in Honduras, for they intend not only to attack Zelaya himself, but also, and maybe even primarily, those who support him. And, Zelaya finds most of his support among the poor who, according to U.S. AID, make up 65% of the Honduran population.

This calls to mind the words of the repressive Guatemalan general, Rios Montt, who once explained his philosophy of fighting the insurgency in Guatemala as follows: “The guerrilla is the fish. The people are the sea. If you cannot catch the fish, you have to drain the sea.” Carrying out this philosophy, Montt carried out death squad activities against the Guatemalan people, killing thousands of Guatemalans, most of them indigenous, in the process. In the case of Honduras, the coup government, with such individuals as Billy Joya at the helm — Joya, who ran death squad activities in the 1980’s quite similar to those directed by Rios Montt in Guatemala, is now the “special security adviser” to the Honduran coup government — similarly wants to drain Honduras of the sea of Zelaya supporters to prevent Zelaya and his modest reform government, or any other reform government for that matter, from ever returning. And, just as social activists and their families were disappeared in the 1980’s by the death squad (Batallion 3-16) linked to Billy Joya, the Committee for the Families of the Detained & Disappeared (COFADEH) as well as an international delegation led by the Quixote Center are reporting recent incidents of disappearances by the Honduran Armed Forces, such as the disappearance of 24 year-old Samuel David Flores Murillo on July 26. As the Quixote Center reported in a letter to the U.S. Embassy in Honduras, Samuel is the son of long-time activist Margarita Murillo, herself a survivor of twenty-two days of detention and torture in the 1980’s. This is a frightening portend of the direction to which this coup government is headed.

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Honduran police crackdown on student protests

Police fired teargas and water cannons at some 3,000 students who amassed in the Honduran capital on Wednesday to protest against the ousting of President Manuel Zelaya last June.

Heavily-protected riot police beat back demonstrators who blocked one of the city’s main thoroughfares in front of the National Autonomous University, fulfilling a pledge to clampdown on protests that have convulsed the Central American since June 28.
Then, Zelaya was bundled out of the country in a military-backed coup, prompting international outrage and a domestic crisis that shows few signs of abating.

On Wednesday his supporters chanted pro-Zelaya slogans and hurled rocks at banks of riot police, leaving the street strewn with detritus, including the husk of a burnt-out vehicle.

Police used water cannon to disperse the protesters, who sought refuge on the university campus, where they were pursued and beaten with batons.

The university’s rector Julieta Castellanos intervened in an attempt to calm both sides, but she too was beaten to the floor.

Elsewhere in the capital, another crowd gathered in front of the Supreme Court — which had sanctioned the move against Zelaya — demanding that coup leaders “get out.”

At the same time protesters across the country began a march on the capital and San Pedro Sula, the country’s economic capital.

As unrest played out, the head of the the Washington-based Organization of America States, Jose Miguel Insulza, said that foreign ministers from the regional block would be dispatched to Honduras “as soon as possible.”

In Mexico, Zelaya continued a visit aimed at shoring up international backing for his government.

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